The book has sold over one million copies in the United States—and counting. Let me be clear: when Donald Trump ran for president of the United States, he never imagined he could win. On November 7, 2016, just one day before the US election, Trump, the Republican Party's presidential candidate, and his election team were certain they would not win. Poll after poll showed he was five to ten points behind Hillary Clinton. On the afternoon of November 8, Trump learned he was going to win. In the hour that followed, he experienced a series of dramatic changes. First, he was surprised and disbelieving. Then he was confused, wondering what it meant to be president. An hour later, Trump was a changed man. He was confident and as if he had always believed he was destined to win.

Wolff, the author of this book, asserts that Trump and his team never considered what to do if they won during the entire election process. Everyone believed in the philosophy of "failure is victory" because the presidential election is an opportunity to gain national recognition. Trump could create a new conservative TV station and use the fame he gained from running for president to quickly cash in. His chief strategist, Bannon, could also find a position to spread the views of the alternative right. Trump's daughter, Ivanka, and son-in-law, Kushner, could also move up in the business world and celebrity circles. This team had no intention of winning and was not prepared to win. Yet they suddenly did, which foretold how chaotic the Trump White House would be.

Naturally, this chaos also presented Wolff with the opportunity to observe Trump and his close aides in close detail. Wolff is a veteran columnist who has written a biography of media mogul Rupert Murdoch and won two National Magazine Awards. In 2016, Wolff interviewed Trump, who gave his articles his approval. Wolff was therefore invited to write a biography of Trump's first 100 days in the White House, and Trump agreed. Wolff stated that he was like a "fly on the wall" in the White House, watching the performances of all kinds of people and hearing all kinds of gossip. The reporter was able to access rooms that were off-limits to others because the White House was in chaos and no one was in charge of him. Wolff stated that he conducted over 200 interviews with Trump and White House staff to write the book.

Wolff stated that some of the revelations in the book were based on interviews with the people involved, while others were based on what he heard from others. Wolff presented different accounts for the same event, some of which were his own interpretations after weighing the views of all sides. Some critics are convinced that the book merely depicts Trump's actions during his first year in the White House from Bannon's viewpoint. Other critics have rightfully highlighted factual inconsistencies in the book. For instance, Wolff incorrectly states that Trump's daughter Ivanka had breakfast at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington on a certain day with Washington Post reporter Mark Berman. In reality, it was Mike Berman, a senior Democratic lobbyist, who was present. This is not in line with the revelations presented in the book. Trump himself responded on Twitter, stating that his mental state and performance were very stable. A White House policy advisor even went as far as to say in an interview that Wolff was "the trash author of a trash book."

However, the Economist's book review made it clear that while many of Wolff's revelations may not be true, the book provides a comprehensive and insightful portrayal of the palace politics and management chaos in the Trump White House. The Economist was clear in its original assessment: Wolff's ability to expose scandals, gossip, cynicism, and the ability to see through the weaknesses of the rich and famous make him the ideal candidate to write a biography of the most chaotic White House in history.

Next, I will focus on the three key characteristics of the Trump White House revealed in the book. First, I will explain what kind of person Trump is. Second, I will reveal the rules of the game in the Trump White House. Third, we must consider how much power constrains Trump.

Part 1

We will now analyze the first key point: what kind of person is Trump?

The book is full of emotional descriptions of Trump, portraying him as ignorant and unwilling to read reports. The two most serious revelations are clear: first, he lacks the most basic ability to plan and organize and simply cannot focus on doing things; second, his underlings, who are scheming against each other, can still work together because they all believe that Trump is simply not qualified to be president. The United States still relies on a group of sober underlings to hold it together. Trump even took to Twitter to say that he is a "very stable genius." Trump was elected President of the United States and has survived in the White House for a year, so he must be special.

Trump is a top salesperson. He'll flatter you to sell you something, then turn around and scold you if you don't buy. He knows how to change tactics too. If the soft approach doesn't work, he'll try the hard approach. As a skilled salesperson, he is constantly promoting and always finds a way to make you buy. Trump's greatest strength as a salesman is his charisma. He will do whatever it takes to convince people. Trump excels at this, and Hillary simply can't match him. In the final week of the campaign, Trump will attend seven or eight campaign rallies a day, energizing the crowd and selling his brand with unparalleled enthusiasm. Hillary was convinced she had the election in the bag and worked less than half as much as Trump.

Trump was portrayed as the savior of the United States by his chief strategist, Steve Bannon, precisely because of his image as a businessman. Bannon has made it clear that Trump's image as a shrewd businessman is the ideal spokesperson for the general public. He's made it seem like a tough boss in the business world is the way to go. Bannon has also positioned a political outsider as the face of a new inspirational politics. Trump is a far cry from the traditional politician under Bannon's influence. He attacks the elites, opposes experts, is very decisive, believes in his own intuitive judgment, and is very able to make ordinary people feel close to him.

Trump is not scary. He is not just a businessman, or a businessman who has been carefully groomed. The book is clear: Trump has three fatal flaws. These flaws make it undeniable that he is unqualified to be President of the United States.

Firstly, he is far too proud and seems to live in his own world. When the reality of the outside world clashes with his own reality, he's willing to rewrite history and call a stag a horse. This is why, after the publication of this book, many people were concerned about whether he was mentally unstable.

I'll give you two examples. The first example is the number of people who attended his inauguration. Trump's inauguration was boycotted by all the stars on January 20, 2017. Many Democrats also chose not to attend. Given the light rain that day, it is estimated that only a few hundred thousand people attended. Trump tweeted after the ceremony that more than a million people attended. Since then, he has made it clear that more than a million people attended his inauguration. He is confident that others will agree with him.

This example proves that Trump cares more about saving face than the truth. The next example shows that Trump may actually have a mental problem. In the final month of the election campaign, the media exposed a recording of him boasting about harassing women with a TV anchor backstage. At the time, he openly admitted to saying inappropriate things but vehemently denied that it was anything more than common male bragging. However, after becoming president, when the recording was mentioned again, Trump was quick to change his tune. He boldly stated that with today's advanced technology, it is entirely possible to use a machine to imitate his voice and synthesize a similar conversation, implying that the recording was fake.

This is a problem when it comes to lying in public. Trump is either living in his own "Truman world," or there is something seriously wrong with his mind. There is, of course, a third possibility: he is simply a habitual liar. Now that he is president, he is trying to act like a president by refusing to admit his past mistakes.

Trump's second flaw is also related to his desire to save face. He can't stand it when other people steal the limelight, and this is childish. Bannon was snubbed by Trump when he appeared on the cover of Time magazine in March 2017, with the headline "President Bannon." Many media outlets are convinced that Bannon molded Trump and pushed him into the presidency, and Time magazine is a prime example. Bannon was also a highly influential figure in the early days of the Trump White House, effectively acting as a puppet master. Trump can't stand this. After the Time magazine report came out, he cut off all communication with Bannon.

Trump's third flaw is that he lacks a firm opinion or a consistent point of view. He is easily influenced and always swayed by the opinion of the last person he spoke to. Bannon stated definitively that Trump lacks a firm idea and is merely seeking flattery from others. He's just a soft marshmallow, dependent on who can squeeze him.

The book provides an illustrative example. After the Syrian government forces used chemical weapons against the opposition in April 2017, Trump's inner circle met to decide how the United States should respond. Bannon considered it from a purely realistic standpoint. He believed that the United States had no core interests in Syria and that there was no need to provoke Russia for this reason, nor was there any need to use force. Trump initially agreed with Bannon's thinking. In line with his "America First" campaign platform, he should be less involved in international affairs. However, Trump's son-in-law Kushner and daughter Ivanka had a different opinion. They were certain that Syria should be taught a lesson. But Ivanka knew her father well and was certain that he would not listen to the big truths of international politics. She instructed her staff to create a PowerPoint presentation filled with heartbreaking images of women and children affected by the chemical attack. Ivanka knew Trump was easily impressed by sensational images. Trump changed his mind the next day and decided to use cruise missiles to carry out airstrikes against targets in Syria.

The book makes it clear that Trump is a great salesman with sales skills and an understanding of consumer psychology. Trump has positioned himself as a political newcomer fighting for ordinary people under the guidance of his chief strategist, Bannon. However, the first year in the White House has revealed three major flaws in Trump. He is extremely sensitive about losing face, lives in his own fantasy world, and is a pathological liar. He can't stand it when others steal the limelight, and he acts in a very childish manner. Furthermore, he is prone to emotional outbursts, has no firm opinions, and is easily influenced. These flaws make it clear to many Americans that putting the nuclear button in his hands is a dangerous idea. These flaws in Trump have shaped the unique palace politics of the Trump White House.

Part 2

Let's get to the second point: what are the rules of the game in the Trump White House? The answer is clear: there are no rules, and it's a complete mess.

This lack of rules is the root of the problem. There is no well-functioning organizational structure. As we stated at the outset, Trump's campaign team never anticipated winning the election and thus never made preparations for governing. Trump failed to prepare a transition team as other candidates did. This was a crucial mistake. It meant he didn't have a minimum personnel team or succession plan in place after winning the election. The Trump administration has been chaotic and dysfunctional from the very beginning because it was formed without any preparation. The sudden "falling from the sky" of winning the election without any preparation means that the Trump administration has been chaotic and dysfunctional from the very beginning.

A well-prepared organizational structure and team make the White House Chief of Staff an indispensable figure. He is, in fact, half the president—or, to be more precise, the chief operating officer of the entire US government. He controls the president's schedule, time management, and information flow. The Trump administration did not have a Chief of Staff who could make decisions—at least in the first half of its term. The first Chief of Staff was Republican National Committee Chairman Priebus, who was a transitional figure from the beginning. There was no way to determine who the president would meet, what reports he would read, or what schedule he would follow. Trump has two invisible chiefs of staff: his son-in-law Kushner and chief strategist Bannon. They are always by Trump's side, giving him advice on all kinds of matters. The White House is a mess. There's no control over day-to-day operations, and there are no rules. This is why Trump's White House has been doomed to problems from day one.

The first crisis in the Trump White House occurred in February 2017, just over three weeks after Trump took office. The person involved was none other than retired General Flynn, who was serving as National Security Advisor. Trump valued Flynn highly for his significant contribution to his election campaign and was eager to elevate him to a high position. However, the senior US military saw Flynn as nothing more than a peripheral figure. They even mocked him as a "colonel in a general's uniform" who lacked the integrity of a soldier who "strictly follows orders." Flynn, like everyone else around Trump, was after national fame and fortune in the business world.

Russia paid him 48,000 US dollars to give a speech in Russia during the campaign, and he was seated next to Putin at dinner. He went without hesitation. At the time, everyone around Flynn made it clear that if Trump was elected, such behavior would be at the very least imprudent. There was no question that it was not worth losing the opportunity to serve in the future government for a small amount of money. Flynn simply did not listen because he never thought Trump had any hope of being elected. Such a person eventually entered the government, and as a result, Flynn was forced to resign. He had talked privately with the Russian ambassador without informing the vice president and also publicly lied about it. He became the national security advisor with the shortest tenure in American history.

The Trump White House may lack a clear organizational structure, but there is one unspoken rule that everyone knows: the closer you are to Trump, the more influence you have. His staff members compete with each other all day long to surround Trump, satisfy his vanity, control his information flow, and whisper in his ear. Wolff's description makes it clear that the closer you are to Trump, the more you can read his mind. Trump is like an energetic child. Whoever can satisfy him or distract him will be the most favored.

This adulation has resulted in a lack of structure and order in the White House. Trump's attention is the focal point of everyone's attention. Trump undoubtedly relishes this feeling. He feels like the French Sun King, Louis XIV. He is the center of attention and can bestow favors and power on anyone. He can also take them away at any time. However, he is less calculating and more spontaneous than Louis XIV.

Those closest to Trump have more power because everyone is courting him for favors. Therefore, various factions are fighting against each other to gain power and influence, sparing no effort.

The book asserts that the Trump White House can be divided into three factions.

Bannon leads the first faction, which represents the Alt Right. The Alt Right is unquestionably more extreme than the traditional Republican Party. It demands economic protectionism, pursues xenophobia and isolationism politically, is dissatisfied with the existing system, and wants to put power into action immediately. Bannon's vision is a return to 1950s America, and his base is the white working class. Bannon represents the most extreme force in the Trump White House. This extremism brings the kind of conflict seen during the election campaign, whether with the media or the two camps, red and blue, to the White House, where the idea of "constant struggle" is pursued. Bannon is adamant that all campaign promises must be fulfilled, including the pledge to build a wall on the border with Mexico.

Bannon follows Trump's every move. He is an old bachelor who stays at the White House every night, ready to accompany Trump for dinner at any time. The First Lady spends most of her time in New York because Trump's youngest son is studying there. Bannon is ready to play the role of Trump's mouthpiece at any time, ready to explain and package Trump's various tall tales.

The second faction is Trump's daughter-in-law. Trump's son-in-law Kushner is in the same position as Bannon during the campaign. Their interests were inextricably linked, and how Trump performed affected their future potential. However, once elected, he and Bannon cut ties and became irreconcilable. Bannon represents the idealism that Trump can break with traditional politics and break the Washington gridlock where the government has no groundbreaking policies. Kushner, on the other hand, represents the particularly pragmatic thinking of big business interests. The book states that Kushner represents the so-called "Goldman Sachs Democrats" faction in New York. This faction has the interests of Wall Street, such as the major investment bank Goldman Sachs, but is inclined to the Democratic Party in terms of policy.

Ivanka and Kushner are determined to transform Trump's administration into a conventional one. They aim to tame Trump's bombast, package him as a traditional president, and make his policies more open and inclusive. They also intend to place active figures in the US who straddle the worlds of politics and business next to Trump. Naturally, Ivanka's goal is to inherit the family business and ascend to the White House.

Kushner knows Trump's mind well. He spearheaded the formation of the President's Business Advisory Council, which includes the CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, to advance the interests of major corporations. Trump is particularly engaged in these discussions because he worships the CEOs of these large companies. The question remains whether these people truly look up to him from the bottom of their hearts. However, one of the participating CEOs stated emphatically that Trump asks very focused and interesting questions. The media was convinced that Trump's meeting with major CEOs transformed him from a small-time business player into a more presidential figure.

The third faction is represented by the Republican establishment, led by White House Chief of Staff Priebus and House Speaker Ryan. Trump took office with the Republican Party controlling the White House and both houses of Congress. This gave him the right conditions and the right timing. The Republican establishment was determined to seize this opportunity to advance its political agenda. Trump has implemented major policies that align with the Republican Party's main agenda. Before Christmas 2017, the US passed an unprecedented tax cut bill, and Priebus and Ryan played a pivotal role in its passage. The Republican institutionalists are pushing for two things above all else: tax cuts and reduced regulation.

Priebus was adept at reading Trump's mind and steering him in the direction he wanted. Priebus's first step as White House chief of staff was to repair Ryan's relationship with Trump. Ryan had also run for the Republican nomination at one point and said a lot of over-the-top things to Trump during the campaign, so this was a crucial step. Priebus arranged for Ryan to appear before Trump in a particularly respectful manner, with a particularly supple body language, and to say a lot of flattering things. This immediately changed Trump's perception of Ryan and gave Ryan full authority to be responsible for formulating new reform policies.

Trump is not interested in day-to-day management of policy topics. He's interested in continuing to show off and become the center of everyone's flattery. That is why all three factions are constantly competing for Trump's attention. They use the media to leak all kinds of gossip and undermine their political opponents. Priebus was the first to resign as a result of this competition. Bannon was ultimately fired by Trump in the summer of 2017. Kushner emerged triumphant, but when the new White House Chief of Staff, General Kelly, took office, he finally brought long-overdue order to the chaotic White House.

One evening, Kushner and Ivanka accompanied Trump to dinner, and Kelly abruptly joined the meal without a word. He wanted to send a clear message to the political couple: if they want to invite Dad to dinner, they need to go through the White House Chief of Staff to arrange it. Let me be clear: there is no room for family business in the White House. If you want to mix family affairs with state affairs, you're going to have to learn how to do it right.

Let me be clear: there are no rules in the Trump White House. The Trump White House has no normal organizational structure. The most powerful staff secretary is sidelined by Trump's close associates, and everyone revolves around Trump. The unwritten rule is simple: the closer you are to Trump, the more power you have. Trump's close associates have divided into three main factions due to competition for favor. Each faction uses different methods to attract the president's attention. The first faction is led by Bannon, who is committed to implementing alternative right-wing policies. The other faction is the daughter-in-law party, which represents the interests of Wall Street and large corporations. They hope that Trump at least appears to be a normal president, so as to pave the way for Ivanka to become the first female president in the future. The third faction is represented by Priebus, the first White House chief of staff. He is a Republican institutionalist who will use the deference of Republican lawmakers to Trump in exchange for the power to formulate policies.

Part 3

We've covered the chaos of the Trump White House with no rules. Now, let's finally talk about the third point: how constrained is Trump's power?

The question of whether Trump is qualified to be President of the United States is largely a concern that he will abuse his power and make a big mistake. There is no doubt about it. For example, he boasts about his nuclear button, which raises concerns about whether he will use force unilaterally. However, a closer look at the book's account of Trump's presidency reveals that Trump is subject to considerable checks and balances. He is fighting against the entire bureaucracy, which is no easy task. On the other hand, any change in policy will affect the interests of some people, and it is also difficult to balance various interests.

American politics has many characteristics, including the separation of powers. Legislative power is in the hands of the Senate and the House of Representatives. Executive power is in the hands of the president. The Supreme Court has the ultimate power of interpretation. The Supreme Court has nine justices, nominated by the president and approved by the Senate, who serve for life. The justices decide cases by voting. This system has sufficient checks and balances, but it has evolved into a stalemate in recent years. In particular, if the president and the parliament are controlled by two different parties, then nothing can be done in Washington.

Rupert Murdoch, the owner of News Corporation, has observed American politics for more than 50 years. After Trump was elected, he sought advice from Murdoch, who told him outright: the President of the United States may appear to have great power, but the time window for any new President to truly promote his policies after taking office is very limited. Murdoch stated, "A President has a maximum of six months to advance their own agenda." "After that, he's just playing the role of a fireman, fighting with the opposition party every day."

Bannon was fully aware of Murdoch's observation and knew that the beginning of his term in office was the most crucial window of opportunity for governing. However, he was determined not to follow in the footsteps of previous politicians. He wanted to find a different way to help Trump with his slogan of "draining the swamp," which meant subverting the rules of the game in Washington, D.C., and targeting the bureaucrats and parliamentarians there. Bannon believes the reason Washington is stuck is that politicians know too much and have too many concerns. They know that any attempt to push through complex policies is likely to encounter resistance from all sides. At the same time, they have too many interest groups behind them to deal with, so they have a lot of concerns. Trump is different. He's a political novice and a billionaire. He knows nothing about Washington, but he doesn't need to. He can be "fearless in ignorance," and he's not bound by other interests because he's loaded.

Against this background, Bannon decided on a policy of intimidation at the beginning of Trump's presidency. He was confident that chaos would ensue and that he would emerge victorious. The US president has unchecked power to sign executive orders and introduce new policies. Such executive orders are not permanent. Once the president steps down, his successor can and will repeal them.

Bannon wasted no time in the transition period between his victory on November 8, 2016, and Trump's inauguration on January 20, 2017. He immediately began sorting through the executive orders signed by the Obama administration. On Trump's first day in office, he presented him with a list of Obama's executive orders that he wanted him to repeal. At the same time, Bannon and an aide helped Trump draft his first executive order, which was signed into effect on Friday of the first week, restricting the entry of nationals from seven countries into the United States. The executive order was nothing more than a short piece of paper.

Bannon's approach caught everyone off guard. Trump signed a piece of paper without notifying any cabinet members. The Department of Homeland Security, responsible for implementing it, was caught off guard and unsure of how to proceed. International airlines were in chaos on Friday. They were unsure how to treat passengers from these seven countries differently. What's more, not a single person in the Trump administration has any administrative experience. The bureaucrats saw the executive order formulated by Bannon as nothing more than scribbles drawn by a child.

As a result, a district judge signed an order suspending the implementation of the president's order. Trump demanded that the Department of Justice reverse the judge's order and Acting Attorney General Yates publicly challenged the legality of the president's executive order, infuriating Trump, who promptly fired her. Trump and Bannon have learned a hard lesson: trying to "suck the swamp dry" and antagonizing the entire Washington bureaucracy is a losing strategy.

We must discuss the checks and balances on presidential power by interest groups. Trump may feel like the center of attention, but he soon realized that the President of the United States is not an absolute monarch. He must adhere to the established rules in all of his actions. He cannot act like the boss in a business kingdom, whose word is final and who can change the rules with a stroke of the pen.

I'll give you another example to show you how little power the president actually has. Trump has a number of business tycoons in New York, one of whom, Carl Icahn, has helped Trump out of difficult situations before. Icahn provided Trump with the capital he needed to navigate a challenging phase of a real estate venture in Atlantic City. Once in power, Trump was eager to repay Icahn for his kindness.

Did Icahn have any difficulties? Yes, he did. Icahn's biggest headache was caused by some policies of the US Environmental Protection Agency. He wanted to adjust an EPA regulation that required a certain percentage of biofuels to be added to gasoline. Icahn had purchased an oil refinery but had not invested in a biofuel plant. The price of biofuels had recently risen sharply, and Icahn's refinery was losing money as a result.

In theory, this was a very small case. Icahn simply wanted to adjust the regulation so that the cost of adding biofuels could be passed on from the refinery to the gas station. However, when Trump asked his subordinates to implement it, they discovered that there were too many interests to balance. First of all, Trump was elected largely thanks to the grain states in the Midwest that produce corn. These states are the beneficiaries of the existing biofuel quota law, and they will fight to keep it that way. Changing the law will affect the interests of these states and senators representing these states will oppose it. To get their support to amend the law, you'll have to make compromises in other areas.

Trump wanted to repay Big Brother. But when he realized that ruling is definitely not as arbitrary as running Trump Inc., and that it requires constant compromise and balance, he truly understood the difficulty of American politics. He absolutely cannot upset the Midwest states if he wants to seek re-election.

Let me be clear: Trump may seem powerful, but he is actually constrained by a lot of checks and balances. Trump faces checks and balances from the system and a chain of interests when trying to promote his policies or help his cronies gain benefits—unlike in his own company, where he has absolute power. At the beginning of his administration, Bannon was convinced he could run the country with executive orders and confront Congress and the bureaucracy. He quickly learned there was no chance of success. Trump quickly learned that politics is about compromise and trading. He discovered that it is impossible to ignore Congress and do things your own way. Even when he wanted to change a very small policy, he had to make concessions.

That's a summary of the main points. I've already given you the main points of the book. Now, I'll give you a brief recap.

Wolff's book, Fire and Fury, caused a huge stir even before it was published. Major media outlets reprinted various revelations from the book, and Trump was furious. Trump's lawyers went as far as to send a letter to prevent the book from hitting the shelves. They did so because it quoted Bannon as saying that Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., had committed treason by meeting with the Russians. The publisher was not going to back down, and they published the book in early January. The book contains a wealth of sensational revelations, but Wolff's portrayal of the Trump White House, particularly the first half of his administration, is undoubtedly thought-provoking.

Trump is undoubtedly a man with significant shortcomings and flaws. His shortcomings have also shaped the chaotic and unruly operation of the White House, with various factions fighting for favor and plotting against each other. One thing is clear: Bannon's departure signals the end of the alternative right's direct challenge to the status quo in Washington. The new White House chief of staff, Kelly, will undoubtedly help to keep President Trump's second year free of scandals. He will be supported by the institutional Republican Party in Congress, the Wall Street forces represented by his daughter and son-in-law, and the order represented by Kelly. Trump has also realized that the biggest difference between a president and a CEO is that a president doesn't have much room to do things his own way.